Bhutan-India relations
Bhutan and India this week concluded yet another cooperation talks in Delhi at foreign secretary level in their efforts to strengthen relations. The outcome of the talks has not been publicized but no worry it will not be more than just the usual exchanges of warm regards, hugging and a statement to further strengthen bilateral relations.
The only country that does not openly speak against many Indian policies concerning interference in neighboring countries is obviously Bhutan. And for this, this tiny Himalayan kingdom in some references has been regarded as the protectorate of India despite being a member of the United Nations. No doubt, India has had immense political influences in Bhutan for centuries, cultural relation between the two countries developed over the last one century or less.
Unless countries are culturally linked, relations remain in formality just in the case of Bhutan and India. In one of my encounters in Dhaka two years back, a Canadian who travelled extensively in Asian countries, expressed his amazement to read and hear the regular niche about close cultural relations between these two countries. According this man, a traveler feels nothing about Indianism in Bhutan. Rather, Bhutan resembles its northern neighbor Tibet.
Historical fact
Bhutan’s first contact with India was in late 16th century. The country had, since unification by first Shabdrung Ngawang Namgyal, some bearings on the politics of its southern neighbors Assam and Bengal. The rulers in these principalities, now Indian states, paid tribute to Bhutanese authority. As British company in India advanced north to connect Tibet and ultimately China, it came into contact with Bhutan largely dominated by people of Tibetan sorts. Initially, Bhutan was resistive to British and this resistance was the reflection of show-patriotism that Bhutanese maintained in order to rise in the political ladder where promotion meant defeating other person in power.
Bhutan fought two wars with British – in 1774 and 1865 and ultimately surrendered in both the wars. Triumphant British offered concession and other assistance to Bhutan in their effort to develop this part of the continent as buffer zone. Jigme Namgyal, the founder of the present Wangchuk dynasty, after defeat in 1865 realized benefits from relations with British over Tibet. The acceptance of the British crown to inaugurate monarchy in Bhutan built confidence of relationship between the two countries. This was in exchange for the help Ugyen Wangchuk extended as interpreter to take British Younghusband mission to Tibet and explore the possibilities of trade. British officer J. C White spent considerable time in Bhutan for inaugurating Wangchuk house in early 20th century virtually ending Tibetan influences in Bhutan politics. Ending relations with Tibet means Bhutan had no other contacts than India.
Bhutan’s Himalayas to the north is the other barrier for her relations with Tibet. Bhutan-Tibet relations deteriorated in early 17th century did not foster even after three centuries, thanks to political and geographical constraints. Very few passes in Bhutan give access to Tibet for few months a year.
Additionally, Tibet (China) since early 20th century claimed suzerainty over Bhutan while British offered to establish it as a nation state. Greater autonomy was accepted for Bhutan compared to other princely states within British territory in India. Thus, Bhutan’s relation with India is compulsion considering the offer to liven a separate identity.
India’s cultural connection with Bhutan germinated with the settlement of Gurkhas in south. Besides Shabdrung, British encouraged Nepali speakers to migrate eastern Himalayas for settlement though British after Nalapani war feared that they might have to encounter Gurkhas who are gradually dominating the eastern Himalayas as well and thus took initiatives to keep the Gurkha migration under their close watch. Gurkhas, who largely followed Hinduism, formed the cultural bridge between Hindu India and Buddhist Bhutan.
Bhutan had faith on British not on Indians. This was vividly reflected during the hectic discussions between the British officers and Bhutan government agent in Kalimpong (the Dorjis) on the eve India received independence. Days after India was declared independent, The Dorjis reached Buckingham proposing the British crown to keep Bhutan under their grip. This was the result of fear Bhutan cultivated in course of its negative attitude towards freedom struggle in India. Only after India’s new leadership assuring for an independent status that Bhutan found a safer heaven for survival outside British closet.
The independent India continued the British policy for Bhutan to keep it as a buffer zone with China, which had by then signaled to emerge as a powerhouse in Asia. India offered economic help for Bhutan’s modernization that started in 1960s and to this day, India has been the biggest donor for Bhutan. The occupation of Tibet and Chinese advance to southern slope of Himalayas compelled Bhutan among other nations to seek greater Indian help for survival.
The Bhutan-India relation over the decades matured to sweet at front and sour at the back. The inner displeasure against India among Bhutanese rulers started as early as 1970s and this continues to today. India successfully kept the country under its command diplomatically until 1998 after which things changed unexpectedly. Beyond Indian imagination, Bhutan signed a friendship treaty with China. Declaration of the King Father Jigme Singye Wangchuk in 2004 that his country would not keep diplomatic relations with UN permanent members is a symbolic representation of India’s pressure for Bhutan to keep away from any touch with China. This is impossible owing to Bhutan’s border problem in north. Bhutan’s relation with northern neighbor is growing satisfactorily.
Amidst this, Bhutan has in recent years diplomatically slid from the Indian grip. While reviewing the 1949 treaty, the new king succeeded in removing Indian control over Bhutan’s foreign policy thus opening doors for building diplomatic relations with other countries. Since then, the kingdom has embarked on establishing embassies in as many Asian countries as possible.
Refugee issue
Refugee issue is a finest instrument for Bhutan to bargain with India. India by not supporting refugee issue made efforts to warm up relation with Bhutan that had worsened during the reign of Indira Gandhi. Gandhi’s attempt to replicate Sikkim saga in Bhutan had utterly worsened the relations. Since then, Bhutan is seeking means to diminish Indian presence in Bhutanese internal affairs. India’s ignorance to humanitarian refugee issue even did not appease Bhutan to the fullest. Bhutan today is in the best position to bargain with India taking advantage that this South Asian giant has no good relation with any of its neighbors in the sub continent.
India hopes to control Bhutan through cultural ties. Of late, a faction of Indian establishment has realized that they received a setback when large population of Bhutan, who in reality had brought Bhutan closer to India, was evicted out of the country. India’s continued resistance in favor of not allowing refugees back home is gradually taking its toll. Cultural relation between the two countries is growing apart, weakening further. Bhutan has already resettled large number of northern Bhutanese to the southern foothills vacated after eviction creating a sharp line of division in cultural relation between the people across the border. The new cultural diplomacy initiative under Dr Karan Singh’s leadership has made number of efforts to export Indian culture to Bhutan in recent days but with feeble outcomes. Additionally, it has been hard time for India to keep Bhutanese political leadership in closer watch for which frequent high level visits to Thimphu has been the routine task. In this single month speaker,
north east army commander and foreign secretary of India visited Bhutan.
Dim future
India now fears possible funding by resettled refugees for militancy in Bhutan. This will make situation worse not only in Bhutan but adds fuel to already unstable and volatile north east helping underground communist to extent their area of red corridor further to east. Indian establishment has reasonably understood that refugees are more annoyed with India than with Bhutan. Though armed war against India is not possible, funding armed groups in Bhutan cannot be discarded, which will have direct impact on India’s political stability. Over half of the refugee communist leaders and most of the cadres from camp have accepted resettlement while some remain back with hope to get support once resettlement completes. The party has spread widely in southern Bhutan to whom Bhutan in no way can remove from the country considering her commitment to world community before resettlement of refugees began that no more citizens will be made stateless.
Indian Hindu organizations under Vishwa Hindu Federation (VHF) in America are taking efforts to extend comforts to refugees to erase angst they cultivated against India in over two decades. This will have very little impact since the refugees have understood in depth the cause behind their plight and India’s hypocrisy of democracy.
Bhutan has given words to international community for political changes, accepting a small portion of refugees not willing for resettlement and above all agreed with US to allow for a US embassy in Thimphu. India knows US’s entry in Bhutan will diminish its role like in Nepal. Months long lobby in US last year in Washington by Bhutanese minister to postpone the proposal for an embassy in Thimphu in favor of a cultural center went fruitless. Presidential candidate John McCain’s statement during his Thimphu visit is visualization of US position not to withdraw from the agreement.
If Bhutan sincerely adhered to the commitments by accepting refugees who are unwilling for resettlement and allow US to open diplomatic mission in Thimphu, India will have nothing in hand to keep Bhutan under it. India will culturally and diplomatically collapse in Bhutan’s case. India will have no alternatives to imposing trade blockade to show its presence in Thimphu. China will then take the advantage.
The resettlement of refugees has given greater opportunity for Bhutan to become more independent. The Diaspora has ballooned up and on providing recognition to it, Bhutan will not only get economic benefits from its Diaspora but Bhutanese rulers will also receive support from its Nepali-speaking population to build a self reliant and practically independent nation. This initiative from Bhutan will compel the communist groups to abandon militancy for peaceful politics. India will remain only as the biggest business partner if not a biggest donor.