Fears of segregation
The expectation of change in policy, public perception and sense of equality among all the residents of the country in Bhutan is vanquishing in recent months as the regime projects itself as protector of only a section of people. Systematic termination of fundamental human rights continue to rule Bhutan while world unfortunately waits with presumption that democratic changes will bring in enormous benefit to the people.
During the 2008 election campaign, Jigmi Thinley’s party DPT had assured to look into ‘census issues’ in southern districts during its term in office. It was the first time any legal entity in Bhutan talked about the issue with southern Bhutanese. That itself was a great relief for those discriminate. Five years passed, nothing changed.
One of the reasons behind election sweep for PDP in southern Bhutan this year was its assurances to look into ‘census issues’ again. The people were frustrated with the DPT for not taking any initiatives to resolve the issue in its term in office. Unfortunately, the residents keep faiths on parties who give assurances beyond their prerogatives. It’s likely to see same fate down the line.
King Jimge Khesar, who wanted PDP to come to power, travelled across the country including few places in southern districts granting citizenship kasho. It was indirectly the king’s campaign for PDP and it was the party’s opportunity to capture public sentiments in its favour that changed the political landscape in this year’s election. Following the polls, the king has neither travelled outside Thimphu nor issued any citizenship kashos.
I mentioned in my article right after the formation of the Tobgay cabinet that the new government is continuity to the Thinley government in terms of addressing the hardship facing southern Bhutanese. We can hardly imagine Damcho Dorji, coming from the northern most district of the country, would understand the situation in southern Bhutan that paralysed lives of thousands of people and listen to their grievances. Since taking over the rein, he has hardened his line. There is no other way for him because parties are powerless on this matter. Crux of the solution lies in palace.
One allegation
One constant allegation southern Bhutanese have been facing for centuries is the illegal immigration despite the fact that Bhutan emerged into a nation state as a result of immigration from neighbouring principalities.
The allegation has not eroded even after the eviction of 120,000 citizens in 1990. The then government in 1988 claimed the country had around 80,000 non-nationals living in the country. Claiming the country today has around 100,000 non-nationals certainly means a deliberate and systematic eradication of a section of citizens.
Kuensel of October 7, 2013 came out with the news that Bhutan’s population could be about 100,000 less than the projections of the National Statistics Bureau, according to the figures maintained by the Home ministry’s Department of Civil Registration and Census.
As per the civil registry’s records as on September 11 this year, Bhutan’s population stood at 633,607 while NSB had projected a population of 733,004. It indicates a difference of 15.68 percent and the government has not explained this big figure yet, and hopefully it will not. The civil registry records state 56,444 non-Bhutanese were in the country with valid permits. If this is true, can the balance 42,953 be considered as illegals? Shortly after 2005 census, Human Rights Watch had issued warning that Bhutan is terming another 82,000 people as non-nationals and subsequent concerns were raised about possible second lot of eviction.
In 1950s, over 50,000 Nepali speaking people were believed to have left the country as a result of harsher government action against the Bhutan State Congress movement. They never returned. But suddenly, the nation’s population figure rose to 1.4 million during its entry to UN in 1971. The population dropped to less than 800,000 in 1990 including ‘illegal immigrants’ (in government’s term). 20 years later, the population is shrinking down to 633,000.
However, the latest discrepancy does not adequately spell out who these non-Bhutanese are. There is big number of people in central Bhutan born out of night hunting or through illegal sexual relation between government officials and local girls. Cross border marriages and migration in eastern Bhutan from Arunchal Pradesh (India), Tibetan refugees and this illegally born population are never ever considered as non-Bhutanese.
Second class citizens
Recent article in Himal South Asian by Aletta André gives enough explanation about the condition of Nepali speaking population in southern Bhutan. They have become non-nationals simply because their relatives were evicted.
A whole generation of these southern Bhutanese people grew up without seeing schools because they required NOC for studies which the authority never provided them. Further, the schools in southern Bhutan remained closed for two decades. They would have remained closed had there been no relocation of northern Bhutanese to the land vacated after the eviction.
These citizenship-less citizens can own no land, no business and get no jobs. No further description is needed about their hardships. A few of them, specially categorised as F5 are given alternative cards but are barred from travelling to other district. The innocent children born to these parents are denied of their right to education, though Bhutan is one of the earliest signatory to the CRC. A policy of utter non-sense.
Interestingly, the Thinley government centralised issuing NOC issuance permit to Thimphu. This added tri-fold difficulties for these people. It was the logic of the fools to ask people to come to Thimphu for getting NOC who are actually not permitted to travel.
Question to MPs
Villagers of Norbugang (Chengmari) block in Samtse (Samchi) questioned their National Council representative Sangay Khandu, who was in district tour recently. Khandu assured the issue would be raised in the next session of the parliament.
The National Assembly members are yet to discuss the issue with their voters. Most southern districts have elected Nepali speaking MPs. Considering the language barrier these MPs are not confident of raising the issue in parliament and explain it explicitly. Further, they still fear of being tagged the advocate of ‘anti-nationals’ if such issues were raised.
The parliament and its members can discuss and debate the issue at length, if they wish but are short of taking any concrete decision. The final command on any kind of citizenship issue rests with the King. PDP has enough reason to abscond from delivering this particular promise citing constitutional provision where it is clearly mentioned citizenship is a royal prerogative.
Ray of hope
However, rays of hope still shine at the end of the tunnel. King Jigme Khesar has granted citizenship to hundred of people across the country, including southern districts, since he was enthroned. He has taken initiatives to make southern Bhutanese feel to forget what had happened in his father’s reign. He has engaged in a few activities with southern Bhutan and participated in cultural functions they organised.
While King Jigme Singye still assumes southern Bhutanese as threat, the new King has gone one step ahead to provide them the warmth of nationality. If it is not another act to appear good in public eyes, things are expected to change in long course of time.