Reconnecting Bhutan
We have eroded political, economic, legal and emotional connection with the country, yet we continue to project ourselves as Bhutanese. The complexity of nationality and ethnicity that engulfed our generation gives a distressful feeling of where we really belong to and what do we identify as.
Our mnemonic bond with Nepal is growing in the similar speed as our relations with Bhutan is eroding. While we call ourselves Bhutanese, we tend gradually to build stronger relation with Nepal, not with Bhutan. This does not mean anything wrong as we bolster our relations with ancestors but we are shy with the land we were born in and the country our identity is defined by.
The complication over our identity is widening. We have neither forgotten our Bhutanese national identity and Nepali cultural identity nor have we fully accepted the nationality of the country we are resettled in. We hung ourselves in triangular balance whereby choosing one point is tricky, cynical and thorny.
As the generation born in Nepal, in camps, is taking lead in our resettled community, we are finding harder to distinguish ourselves from Nepalese diaspora. Same language and similar culture and social values push us closer to Nepal than to Bhutan – in the eyes of our foreign-friends. The only difference we have is our previous nationality—that too with marginal influence.
Nonetheless, it’s time we question ourselves about what have we done to embed the Bhutanese nationality for our new generation born in Nepal and the resettled country. Or do we reinforce to eliminate Bhutan from our lineage and reconnect with Nepal. Which ancestry do we let our youngsters know?
Our ancestry
We have inconclusive debate, a very fragile debate, on whether we should trace our ancestry to Nepal or Bhutan. To make our Bhutanese-hood stronger, we cite the migration of Nepali families from old kingdom of Gorkha and Kathmandu valley to Bhutan to support Tibetan Buddhist saint Shabdrung establish his power in Bhutan in seventeenth century. Nepal, as a nation, was not in imagination at that time. Nepali was a pre-historic identity. This is the very reason the political movement for Nepali-speaking community in northeast India is dominated by Gorkha-identity.
Historically, though our migration story in Bhutan dates back to seventeenth century, bigger migration was in later half of the nineteenth century.
Today, many of our families comprise of four generations evolving from four different contexts. We have quite a big chunk in grandparent generation who were born either in Nepal or India but married to Bhutanese. The parent generation is a pure stock of Bhutan-born whereas half of children-generation was born in Bhutan and half in Nepal. The grandchildren are now born in the country we are resettled.
The perception, thought and ideology for these four generations, when it comes to identifying who we are, have cosmic differences. These differences could be conscious or sub-conscious or motivated by social and family connections. These differences, knowingly or unknowingly, are certain to bring striking debates, possibly unresolvable and inconclusive. The twist and turns on what our newer generation call themselves would be determined by their assessment about past, present and future. The idea of defining and presentation of identity will be shaped by the political, social and economic circumstances of their lifetime. But the path that we prepare today would guide them where should they trace their ancestry – Bhutan or Nepal and determine whether their bond should be stronger with Bhutan or Nepal or at equidistance.
Our Bhutan Connection
We have defined our ‘official’ identity based on our nationality. We regard ourselves Bhutanese because we have resettled as Bhutanese refugee. Our heart still beats for Bhutan. We still dream to see Bhutan, visit Bhutan. We not only have left behind our friend, families and relatives but our gems of emotions, memories, properties and sweats. We drained our blood for the prosperity of that country. We set the economic foundation for the country because of which the country is now making such a tremendous progress.
We have pain emitting out of our suffering caused by eviction. We are disgruntled against the rulers of Bhutan for denying our basic human rights and democratic freedoms. Our dispute is with the rulers, not with the country – the land. We value our trust and relations with land.
As long as we regard ourselves Bhutanese, our connection with Bhutan must not terminate. We should not only have emotional but physical and economical connection the country. We wish to see and visit our relatives and family members. As we build our economic strength, we would like to invest there.
For our dreams to come true, we should continue dreaming. We should dream with open eyes and we continue our persistent efforts to make this dream come true. Let’s envision travelling to Bhutan freely in our generation.
Diplomatic sensitivities
Practically, our democratic struggle fended off due to indifferent act of Indian government. But let’s not blame the third party when we failed to make our unified efforts in pursuing our goals. India has every right to protect its interest in Bhutan. The geopolitical strategies for India are to ensure Bhutan remains within its armpit. To stop China advancing in Bhutan, as in Nepal, India has to ensure it remains on the side of the rulers.
Our effort for Indian support failed to garner any positive result only because we based our advocacy in Kathmandu, not Delhi despite knowing the fact that key to refugee resolution lies with India. We failed to convince the Indian political and bureaucratic elites that our repatriation would further strengthen the Indian interest there.
We remained too reliant on Nepal while the country itself was struggling to maintain peace and stability. We faintly lobbied the international community without taking India into confidence.
That was the past story, we cannot change the course anymore. We must not forget even today that key to access into Bhutan is still in Delhi. While we make attempts to get access to Bhutan, we must keep in mind we are not putting any risk to Indian interests. The strategic location of Bhutan means India will always be cautious about anything related to Bhutan. While this buffer zone was crucial for centuries to wade off war, this could also be the reason for two world powers go for war in future. As such, India will always be sensitive to whatever happens in Bhutan and whoever, outside Bhutan, make effort to build link with this Himalayan kingdom.
This is not about being loyal to India but being practical about geo-political situation. When we don’t have capacity to challenge the world’s largest democracy, we would be better off finding alternatives to achieve our goals, within that.
The democratic struggle must change its course. We claim Bhutan has is farce democracy but as world accepts it, there is no way our claims would be heard or will have place in any discourses related to Bhutan. It may not have come the way we wanted it to be, but it has now fundamental characteristics of adult franchise, elected executive and legislative and separate judiciary.
The Bhutanese Diaspora
The concept had traction of crowd but gradually faded away at this initial discussion in 2008. A group under Dr Dhakal’s guidance still pursue the idea. In occasional discussions, we remained divided with no valid reasons and no creative discourses. Many of us remain silent critics of the vision rather than active constructive debates. In general, we are not yet ready to adore the vision of NRB and its idealistic framework and its broader future prospects of enabling us connecting our homeland.
Diaspora also has a legal backing and state recognition. Bhutan has already expanded its network with small Bhutanese population (non-refugees) in countries like US, Japan, Australia and Middle East where the idea of NRB is growing. Unless a political agreement is reach, our vision of NRB will be stolen to benefit another section of the people.
Possibilities of future connection
Re-establishing link with Bhutan is not a utopian idea. We can use personal or organisational or diplomatic channels towards realising this. As long as we identify ourselves as Bhutanese, one of the foremost things for us to do is reconnect with Bhutan. If our actions are concentrated on assimilation in the country we are resettled, it gives no meaning in claiming ‘Bhutanese’ as our past. The glory of reconnecting with the country we were forced to leave cannot be complemented by the luxury, amenities, prosperity and opulence of the country we live in. Reconnection adds flavour and richness to our reenergised lives.
1. Political lobbying
We lack political connection in the country we live in. It’s just been a decade we have known the new country. We spent this time in learning the language, culture, system and way of life. There was only small window for us to concentrate on building political connection. We have hardly talked to our politicians what we wanted to do and what they could do to help us achieve our dreams. Political connection does not necessarily mean becoming party members or followers. It is more to do with our frequency of holding discussion with political leaders and presenting our proposals.
Most countries where we resettled have good bilateral relations with Bhutan. Some of them, including Australia, are major donors to Bhutan’s development projects. Australia provides the highest number of scholarships for Bhutanese to pursue higher education. Australia and the United States continue to become the favourite destinations for Bhutanese, either for higher studies or migration.
We must convert this positive vibe in our favour. We must persistently lobby the political and bureaucratic circle to put pressure on Bhutan to open door for us to visit and see our relatives, friends and family members. Many of our friends and families back in refugee camps still aspire to return to Bhutan. Our engagement with the governments should also focus on holding dialogue with Bhutan to ensure these aspirants are given chance to see Bhutan.
Connection for social justice
We assume, Bhutan government will not accept or tolerate any form of investments – for profit or not for profit – we intend to make in Bhutan. We haven’t tested it yet. Our assumptions are based on our experiences as Bhutanese refugees in Nepal. We tend not to like the being called ‘Bhutanese Refugee’ anymore, yet we continue to accept ourselves within that circle, at least when it comes to connection with Bhutan. Even if we accept our individual or direct investments are unacceptable in Bhutan, we haven’t looked at the alternatives.
A lot of not-for-profit organisation of the country we are resettled work, directly or indirectly, in Bhutan. There are individuals too, who have endeavoured their time and energy towards maturing relations with Bhutan and enrich Bhutanese progress and prosperity. So far, we have hardly met with these individuals and organisations and expressed our interest to serve through them.
We must spare energy to engage with these individuals and organisations and make efforts to contribute for Bhutan’s progress. Our engagement with Bhutan through these not-for-profit institutions, absolutely with no political motives, may possibly open doors for us to travel to Bhutan, see our friends and families and make investments. We would be able to contribute productively to the progress and prosperity of the Bhutanese society and retain our Bhutanese-Diaspora identity.
3. Sponsoring our relatives
Higher education in Bhutan is rare and expensive. There are limited seats in the government and private colleges for higher education. Those unable to secure enrolment within the Bhutanese colleges have to either find cheap colleges in India or look for low-paid job. Those who have influence avail foreign scholarship while those who can afford go overseas themselves.
However, large number of Bhutanese, who does not have decent income, cannot afford to help their children pursue higher education. They come mostly from the rural community, economically marginalised and socially deprived communities. Failure to provide children with higher education means these families continue to live the circle of poverty, marginalisation and backwardness.
As we make our economic status stronger and avail wider opportunities, we ought to shoulder responsibilities to create opportunities for those economically and socially marginalised communities in Bhutan. We must make every effort to find alternative help and sponsor these students to travel to developed countries to pursue their university education dreams and open gates of opportunities for them. This will be the biggest contribution we can bring any changes to the life of economically and socially marginalised communities and to enlighten them about real human rights, democratic values and individual liberties.
Freedom and liberty do not necessarily come from political movement, they come with stronger foundation with education and opportunities to acquaint with.
4. Support for family connection
Family connection is fundamental. It’s the basics of human rights. Voices of many in Bhutan, who seek to connect with their families in resettled countries, have been curtailed. There are reported instances where local government officials and elected local government representatives indiscriminately target individuals who maintain relations with their relatives and friends resettled abroad. There are instances where individuals, who meet their ‘refugee’ relatives, economically blackmailed, threatened for jail sentences on charges of sedition and treason.
Bhutan has adopted the ‘democratic’ system of government and accepted the universal declaration to guarantee human rights. These rights include right to travel, migration, speak and connect with family members and relatives. We put efforts in reminding Bhutan that it must accept the constitutional vision. We must concentrate our work towards providing economic, moral and social support to those from Bhutan who advocate for rebuilding and reconnecting with their family and relatives in Diaspora. These advocates would be vital in putting pressure on political parties in the Bhutanese parliament to make policy changes allowing us to revisit Bhutan and see our families and relatives.
5. Economic connection
Our journey towards economic prosperity is marching steadily. And our desire for investments that gives us profits and solid returns as well as satisfaction is growing. Bhutan does have enormous potential for small investors with market expansion and improved export to India. As we develop entrepreneurship and investment potentialities among us, Bhutan could be the ideal destinations for investments. We have passion, enthusiasm and emotions attached to the economic and social prosperity of the country we were born in. Investment in Bhutan not only will give us profits and returns but also emotional satisfaction and social connection.
India is major investors in Bhutan. However, Indian investments are concentrated on mega projects such as hydropower. Bhutan has potential for smaller investments in cash crops, energy production other than through hydropower, hospitality, tourism, herbal medicines, information technology, call centres etc.
With no political intentions or agendas, it’s time that we start searching avenues to divert our investments to Bhutan. We should be able to convey message to the government of Bhutan that our engagement in Bhutan will not only boosts the social wellbeing through family connection but also provides economic benefits for Bhutan. This will further enhance the bilateral relations between Bhutan and the countries we now live in.
Efforts and Bhutan’s criticism
Those of us in resettled country and in exile make every effort to criticise Bhutan government. That’s a natural and emotional expression from banished citizens—with no prospects of getting justice.
On top of that it’s time for us to sit back and do self-evaluation if we’ve really made consistent and productive effort to go back. Not necessarily. We remain divided—our leadership remained divided, our efforts remained divided. The division remains even after resettlement. Few attempts that we made to connect with Bhutan turned futile in absence of the unified force, strong leadership.
This gives us ample reasons why we should turn the handle to criticise ourselves and accept the fact that if sincere, unified and consistent efforts were made, the results would have been different.
Together, the way we make our efforts to connect with Bhutan must change. Being critical of Bhutan should not be the wholesome solution but acceptance of our new circumstances and new approaches to link with the country our identity attaches to must be devised.